India’s External Affairs Minister Dr. S. Jaishankar initiated a five-day visit to the Russian Federation on December 25th, 2023. On December 27, Dr. Jaishankar held separate meetings with Russian President Vladimir Putin and Foreign Minister Sergey Lavrov. His visit falls within the framework of the frequent high-level exchanges between the two nations, covering the full spectrum of the two countries’ bilateral relations, with a special focus on key areas like trade, energy, defence, and connectivity.
The visit, as noted by the Ministry of External Affairs, offered a valuable platform to review ongoing collaborations across various domains, ranging from trade and economics to energy and defence. Highlighting the “Special and Privileged Strategic Partnership” that binds India and Russia, Dr Jaishankar engaged in comprehensive discussions with key figures, including President Putin, Deputy Prime Minister Manturov, and Foreign Minister Lavrov. Their exchanges encompassed not only economic and strategic facets but also cultural and people-to-people connections, underscoring the multifaceted nature of this enduring partnership.
However, the long-standing tradition of the annual India-Russia leaders’ summit, the centrepiece of their strategic partnership, did not take place for the second consecutive year. This high-level dialogue, bringing together the Indian prime minister and the Russian president, has cemented ties between the two nations for over a decade. Its absence once again underscores the evolving dynamics of this complex relationship.A legacy of 21 annual summits, held in alternating splendour between India and Russia, stands as a testament to the enduring ties between the two nations. Despite Russia’s current isolation within the Western world, ignited by the ongoing conflict in Ukraine, India and Russia continue to foster a robust relationship. The most recent summit, held in New Delhi in December 2021, underscored this unwavering commitment, reminding the world of the deep historical, strategic, and economic bonds that bind these two powerful Asian and European states.
India’s response to the Ukrainian crisis has been a delicate manoeuvre. While publicly advocating for a diplomatic resolution and ceasefire, India has faced pressure from the US to condemn Russia’s invasion. One key point of contention has been India’s continued import of crude oil from Russia, a decision driven by both economic pragmatism and its long-standing strategic partnership with Moscow. This stance has resulted in a significant surge in Russian oil imports to India in recent years, further complicating its geopolitical balancing act. Amidst the ongoing conflict in Ukraine and the subsequent pause in annual summits between India’s Prime Minister Modi and Russia’s President Putin, External Affairs Minister Dr Jaishankar’s visit aims to bridge the gap by maintaining the vigour of high-level political engagement with the Russian leadership. This visit signifies India’s continued commitment to dialogue and engagement with Russia, while navigating the complexities of the current international landscape.
However, India’s relationship with Russia, and previously the Soviet Union is arguably the most enduring geopolitical partnerships in its history. This deep-rooted alliance extends beyond diplomatic ties, actively fostering economic collaboration through a network of dedicated mechanisms. At the helm stands the India-Russia Intergovernmental Commission for Trade, Economic, Scientific, and Cultural Cooperation (IRIGC-TEC), a government-level body facilitating vibrant exchange and growth across diverse sectors.
In the wake of independence, India, under Jawaharlal Nehru, charted a unique course through the Cold War by embracing non-alignment. This neutrality caused some unease in the Soviet Union, who suspected lingering British influence and a potential swing towards the Western bloc. Despite this tension, India and the USSR defied ideological divides to formally establish diplomatic relations in April 1947, just months before Indian independence. This momentous decision, spearheaded by an exchange of letters between the respective ambassadors in China, laid the groundwork for a relationship marked by a commitment to fostering friendly ties and establishing diplomatic exchanges. Through this bold diplomatic move, India and the Soviet Union forged a path of cooperation that transcended the rigid lines of the Cold War.
In 1947, a Soviet embassy was set up in New Delhi. Disappointed by failed pleas for American aid in 1949, India turned to the burgeoning Soviet Union for help. An outstretched hand met an open door, solidifying a landmark agreement in 1951: 100,000 tons of Soviet wheat in exchange for a taste of India’s treasures. Thus, a friendship was sown, nourished by mutual need and the fertile soil of newfound independence.
While Jawaharlal Nehru championed the Non-Aligned Movement, his personal leanings were decidedly socialist. This preference for Soviet-style economic systems over American capitalism became apparent during his visits to the US, where his discomfort with the latter was palpable. Seeking to bolster India’s ties with the Eastern bloc, Nehru’s “most imaginative choice,” as diplomat Krishna Rasgotra aptly described it, was to dispatch the esteemed philosopher-diplomat Dr. Sarvepalli Radhakrishnan as India’s second ambassador to Moscow in 1949. This strategic move underscored Nehru’s deliberate tilt towards the socialist sphere, laying the groundwork for a complex geopolitical dance during the Cold War era.
After the death of Stalin in 1953, a new chapter unfolded in India and the Soviet Union’s story. Recognizing India’s strategic value, Soviet leaders saw an opportunity to build a crucial partnership. This move served two purposes: balancing China’s influence and engaging with the burgeoning Third World during the Cold War. In 1955, Nehru’s official visit to the USSR, warmly hosted by Bulganin and Khrushchev, cemented this newfound alliance, paving the way for a durable and impactful relationship between the two nations.
In 1955, Nehru’s visit to the Soviet Union marked a turning point in the relationship. Impressed by its alternative economic model and anti-war stance, Nehru saw the Soviet Union as a counterpoint to the capitalist system which he believed fuelled conflict. The reciprocal visit by Soviet leaders further solidified this bond. With India receiving substantial military support, the Soviet Union became a crucial arms supplier, bolstering India’s defence during the Cold War. This cooperation came in handy during conflicts like the 1962 Sino-Indian War and the 1971 Indo-Pak War, making the Soviet Union a vital strategic partner for India.
Despite differing ideologies, India and the USSR found unity in a shared distrust of the United States. This strategic alignment formed the first pillar of their relationship. India disdained the close U.S.-Pakistan ties, while the Soviet Union viewed America as a constant rival. The 1960s, marked by strained Sino-Indian and Sino-Soviet relations, further cemented their alliance. The USSR became a crucial supporter for India, wielding its veto power at the UN Security Council to protect Indian interests in Goa, Kashmir, and Bangladesh. Conversely, India demonstrated its solidarity by abstaining from condemning the Soviet interventions in Hungary (1956) and Czechoslovakia (1968).
Forged in the fires of deepening camaraderie, the 1971 Treaty of Peace, Friendship and Cooperation solidified the burgeoning alliance between India and the Soviet Union. Its heart lay in a crucial security clause: mutual assistance against aggressor nations and immediate consultations should either face a threat. This Soviet backing proved decisive in deterring US and Chinese intervention during the 1971 Indo-Pakistani War. Given its transformative impact, it’s no wonder that this pivotal partnership with the USSR became the cornerstone of India’s foreign policy.
Economically, the USSR was India’s biggest foreign benefactor until 1991. It played a crucial role in establishing India’s heavy industries, from iconic projects like the Bhilai steel plant to giants like ONGC and BHEL. A unique rupee-rouble arrangement further strengthened ties, allowing India to channel scarce foreign exchange towards other needs. By 1991, the USSR was India’s top trading partner, with bilateral trade exceeding $5 billion – a significant figure in those times. Military cooperation formed another pillar. The Soviet Union became India’s primary arms supplier, driven by several factors: competitive prices, compatibility with existing systems, willingness to transfer production technology, and acceptance of barter arrangements. Western reluctance to engage with India further tilted the scales towards Moscow. This trust reached a symbolic peak in 1988 when the USSR leased a nuclear-powered submarine to India. In sum, the economic and military spheres were integral to the robust Indo-USSR relationship.
The fourth pillar of the relationship was robust scientific and technological cooperation, cemented by the 1972 Science and Technology Agreement. A dedicated working group facilitated collaboration, culminating in the Integrated Long-Term Programme of Cooperation (ILTP) – the largest bilateral S&T initiative India had undertaken at the time. This ambitious program saw both countries jointly explore 112 themes across 22 crucial scientific areas, from harnessing solar energy to advancements in metallurgy and high-pressure physics.
Cultural and people-to-people exchanges provided another pillar of this strong bond. Extensive academic, artistic, and cultural interactions fostered mutual understanding. Literary giants like Tolstoy and Pushkin left their mark on Indian thought, while Tagore and Gandhi resonated deeply with Russian audiences. The Soviet Union further solidified its cultural influence by providing affordable scientific and educational books, translated classics, and hosting Indian film festivals. For many aspiring Indian doctors and engineers, the USSR became a preferred destination for academic pursuits, solidifying this human connection.
Over the past decade, India and Russia have witnessed a blossoming of cooperation, extending beyond their traditional strongholds of defence, nuclear energy, and space research. This synergy has now encompassed fields like energy, science & technology, and inter-regional collaboration. The bilateral trade target of USD 30 billion, originally set for 2025, was surpassed remarkably early, reaching USD 45 billion between April 2022 and February 2023. Bilateral trade has more than quadrupled, skyrocketing from $12 billion to a staggering $50 billion just last year. This surge is largely fuelled by India’s increased import of Russian oil, a consequence of European sanctions forcing Moscow to seek alternative markets. While facing Western criticism for abstaining from condemnation of the Ukraine invasion and deepening its economic partnership with Russia, India has remained steadfast. Delhi prioritizes its long-standing strategic relationship with Moscow, viewing it as a cornerstone of its national security interests. In essence, India’s energy and economic engagement with Russia reflects a calculated decision prioritizing its own strategic calculus despite international pressure.
This trajectory is expected to continue, fuelled by opportunities for joint ventures under the “Make in India – Make for the World” initiative. Russia’s technological prowess aligns perfectly with India’s focus on production and distribution, offering the potential for revitalizing not only traditional areas but also exploring third-country market possibilities. Connectivity initiatives like the International North South Transport Corridor and the Chennai-Vladivostok Eastern Maritime Corridor are receiving increased attention, underscored by events like the Suez Canal blockage highlighting the need for diversified avenues. These corridors resonate with India’s “Act East Policy” and Russia’s vision for its Far East, presenting a potent synergy waiting to be harnessed.
The narrative of a simplistic Indo-Russian partnership, relic of a bygone era, is crumbling. No longer does India gaze up at Russia as a patron with deference. Gone are the days of economic disparity, where India’s GDP trailed Russia’s by half. Today, with a $3.6 trillion economy dwarfing Russia’s $2.2 trillion, India strides confidently as a peer. This economic asymmetry, destined to widen further, translates into strategic independence. While past military dependence on Russia lingers, it’s a relic being gradually replaced by arms deals with France and the US. Furthermore, India’s commercial and technological future lies inextricably linked with the West – the US, Europe, and the UK, where a significant portion of the Indian diaspora thrives. To appease Moscow, Delhi won’t jeopardize these pivotal ties with the West. In essence, India is recalibrating its relationship with Russia, not abandoning it, but recasting it as one of equals, reflecting its newfound economic and strategic stature.
India and Russia’s cooperation extends beyond bilateral ties, encompassing collaboration on multiple global platforms like the UN, G20, BRICS, and SCO. This past year, India’s presidencies of the G20 and SCO presented a unique opportunity for high-level meetings. From April to May, Russia sent key figures like Foreign Minister Lavrov, Security Council Secretary Patrushev, Emergency Situations Minister Kurenkov, and Defence Minister Shoigu to SCO events in India. Similarly, G20 summits hosted Lavrov twice, and Valentina Matvienko, the head of the Russian Parliament’s Upper House, attended once. This active participation reflects the deep-rooted partnership between India and Russia, further fortified by Russia’s unwavering support for India’s permanent UNSC seat.
Emerging from a productive seventh meeting with his Russian counterpart Sergey Lavrov on December 27th, Dr Jaishankar affirmed the unwavering strength and stability of the Indo-Russian relationship. “Our ties,” he declared to journalists, “have been incredibly strong and steady,” reflecting the commitment to the “special and privileged strategic partnership.” Jaishankar, highlighting the solidity of the Indo-Russian ties, emphasized the frequent communication between Prime Minister Narendra Modi and President Vladimir Putin, facilitated by multilateral forums like G20, SCO, ASEAN, and BRICS. During his meeting with Lavrov, Dr Jaishankar discussed pressing issues like the international strategic landscape, ongoing conflicts and tensions, development challenges plaguing the Global South, and the evolving state of multilateralism and the quest for a multipolar world order. He additionally lauded the progress in bilateral economic cooperation and expressed India’s expectation of a robust Russian presence at the Vibrant Gujarat summit in January.
While Dr Jaishankar’s agenda in Russia encompassed a broad range of topics, one particularly intriguing aspect was the long-standing proposal to ditch foreign currencies and conduct bilateral trade directly in rupees and rubles. This ambitious initiative, if embraced, could rewrite the script for economic interactions between the two nations, simplifying exchanges and potentially boosting both economies. The visit offered a platform to dive deep into the intricacies of this plan, assess its feasibility, and potentially pave the way for a new era of financial cooperation between India and Russia.
Three documents relating to the Kudaulam Nuclear Power Plants, an MoU on cooperation in pharmaceuticals and healthcare and a Protocol on Foreign Office Consultations were signed during the visit. Rising on the shores of Tamil Nadu, the Kudankulam nuclear power plant stands as a symbol of India’s thriving collaboration with Russia in the realm of atomic energy. Construction commenced in March 2002, and since February 2016, the plant’s first reactor has hummed steadily at full capacity, delivering 1,000 megawatts of clean electricity to the grid. With the remaining units slated to come online by 2027, Kudankulam is poised to become a major powerhouse, illuminating India’s future with the steady glow of nuclear energy.
During a recent visit to India, Sakhalin officials and Indian companies forged a direct partnership in the pharmaceutical sector, Governor Valery Limarenko announced. This strategic move, Limarenko assured, would not only safeguard against potential medication shortages but also offer citizens a wider range of options with varied pricing. Furthermore, attracting Indian businesses to establish manufacturing facilities on Sakhalin was high on the agenda. Limarenko, highlighting Russia’s resilience amidst Western pressure, emphasized the preservation of strong ties with long-standing partners like India.
Earlier, in April, 2023, Ahmedabad’s Cadila Pharmaceuticals had earlier engaged in high-level discussions with Russian representatives aimed at exploring avenues for joint ventures and investments in healthcare. Cadila, seeking to contribute to affordable healthcare solutions in the vast Russian market, envisioned establishing a state-of-the-art injectable manufacturing unit, capitalizing on their expertise and established reputation. This agreement between Sakhalin and India promises a fruitful collaboration, enhancing access to essential medicines and bolstering the healthcare landscape of both nations.
In Russia, EAM Dr S. Jaishankar navigated both the intellectual and cultural spheres. He engaged with experts and academics, sharing insights on Indian foreign policy and fostering dialogue on the intricacies of India-Russia relations. His deep appreciation for the role of cultural exchange was evident in his warm interaction with the Indian diaspora in Moscow, highlighting how shared experiences weave the tapestry of friendship between the two nations. The St. Petersburg leg of the visit saw EAM delving into potential economic and cultural partnerships with Governor Alexander Beglov. His discourse with a diverse group of Indologists at the esteemed university aimed to bridge the gap in understanding and fostering mutual appreciation for each other’s developments. A touching glimpse into cultural ties came during his visit to School No. 653, where dedicated teachers and enthusiastic students embraced Hindi as part of their curriculum, honoring the memory of Gurudev Rabindranath Tagore. This visit served as a potent reminder of the strong and steady India-Russia relationship, built upon a foundation of strategic convergence, shared geopolitical interests, and mutually beneficial cooperation.
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