Dozens of Naga tribes yearn to reunite the 3 million living in India with their 400,000 estranged cousins in Myanmar.
The king of the Konyak tribe sleeps in Myanmar, but eats in India – his house, village and people divided by a mountain border which serves as a vulnerable lifeline now severed by a coronavirus lockdown.
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The Konyak are just one of dozens of Naga tribes, a people yearning to reunite the 3 million living in India with their 400,000 estranged – and much poorer – cousins in Myanmar’s isolated far north.
Many from Myanmar cross the border to attend school, sell vegetables or visit a hospital, as it is a days-long journey by foot to the nearest town in Myanmar.
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Even in normal times, they live at the mercy of Indian soldiers guarding checkpoints against the threat of armed groups fighting for reunification.
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Tonyei Phawng claims to be the 12th generation of his family to rule the Konyak, whose feared tattooed warriors once brought home their enemies’ heads as trophies.
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His son, the crown prince, will one day take over in a lineage many believe possess supernatural powers.
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Dressed in a tracksuit and trainers in his village of Longwa, the 43-year-old king described to AFP news agency in February how his Myanmar brothers were often stopped at the border and detained as they were trying to enter India.
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“Their rights are denied.”
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Days later, the border was shuttered, not at the whim of Indian soldiers, but because of COVID-19.
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For the town of Longwa, which straddles the border, the shutdown has impacted the two sides differently.
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The Indian government was providing some emergency rations, but Myanmar’s authorities were not doing the same on their side of the border, Longwa-based tour guide Nahmai Konyak, 34, told AFP by telephone.
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Those living hand-to-mouth in Myanmar are finding it very difficult, he said. “We just can’t help them.”
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‘Brainwashed’ brothers
Retreating British colonialists left behind the frontier after World War II, cleaving the Konyak tribe of 44 villages in two – alongside several other tribes.
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The Naga on both sides enjoy some degree of autonomy, but there is a huge disparity in the level of development.
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Indian roads lead right up to the frontier, bringing business and even some hardy tourists.
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Over the border, off-grid villages with few schools or amenities dot thickly-forested slopes, connected by muddy paths in one of Myanmar’s poorest regions.
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Thousands of Naga have taken up arms over the decades to try to win a united homeland by force.
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The rebels splintered in the late 80s into two main groups, one fighting for the Naga cause each side of the border.
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Civilians must pay taxes to help finance the groups and many families “sacrifice” a son to the resistance, says Myanmar Naga activist Jacob Ngansa.
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But New Delhi’s relative investment is chiselling away support over the border, the 23-year-old admits with sadness.
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“They are brainwashed by the Indian government.”
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With India-Myanmar relations blossoming, these are ominous times for Naga nationalists.
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Myanmar is hungry for new allies after being snubbed by the West over the Rohingya crisis, while India is keen to counter China’s regional influence over its smaller neighbour.
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The allies recently held joint military exercises and Myanmar’s president in February signed numerous deals on his visit to the subcontinent – also reaffirming a pact to prevent rebels mounting cross-border attacks.
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India Myanmar border
People at a Union Solidarity and Development Party house in Karmawlawyi village in Myanmar’s Sagaing region [Ye Aung Thu/AFP]
Politics over force
Other Naga unionists choose politics over force.
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The newly-formed Naga National Party aims to woo the Naga vote in Myanmar’s elections due later this year.
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Once they are in power, chairman Shu Maung says, they will work within the system to bring change. “You cannot live in your uncle’s house forever.”
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The battle for the ballot box has already started.
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Regional National League of Democracy MP Kail, who goes by one name, is Naga but says his immediate priorities are education, healthcare and food.
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“Once we have those, then maybe the younger generations can take up the fight again for the dream.”
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But analyst Bertil Lintner believes the best the Myanmar Naga can hope for is more autonomy within the country.
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A united Nagaland is “never going to happen,” he says, not least because the tribes are so divided among themselves.
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At a viewpoint overlooking Longwa village, smartly-dressed Rongsen Ao was one of the last tourists to make it to the border before it closed.
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Excitedly hopping from one side of a demarcation post to the other, the 65-year-old Indian Naga doctor said he had fulfilled a childhood dream by seeing the frontier in person.
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But his smile faded when asked about the Naga’s quest for a homeland.
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“Everyone feels bitter about being divided…but this is beyond our control.”

