On 28 June 2024, Mongolia held historic parliamentary elections after significant constitutional and legal reforms. Though more parties entered the State Great Khural (Mongolia’s parliament) than ever before, weakened opposition power has prompted questions about the future of parliamentary oversight in the country’s nascent democracy.
Mongolia’s 2023 reforms expanded the Khural from 76 to 126 members, adopting a mixed electoral system that includes a 30 per cent gender quota for party candidates in majoritarian constituencies. They aimed to create a more inclusive political environment — giving smaller parties better chances of gaining seats in parliament — and to strengthen Mongolia’s democratic representation.
The ruling Mongolian People’s Party has dominated the political landscape since Mongolia gained independence in 1921. The party secured absolute majorities in the previous two elections but won a simple majority of 68 seats in 2024. Increased campaign financing played a key role in the majoritarian races across a shortened campaign period of 17 days — the ruling party reportedly outspent all other contenders. It had also previously reinforced its power by winning the presidency in 2021.
The Democratic Party, the second-largest parliamentary party, has faced persistent internal divisions since 2016. Still, the Democratic Party managed to increase its parliamentary seats from 11 to 42. While this was not a clear electoral victory, both leaders and members of the party expressed satisfaction with the outcome and opted to retain the serving party chairperson.
The HUN Party increased its parliamentary seats from one to eight. In opposition, the newly formed National Coalition (comprising the Mongolian Green Party and Mongolian National Democratic Party) and the Civil Will–Green Party each secured four seats. The proportional representation system granted at least some parliamentary presence to the opposition. Representation of five political parties in the parliament is a novel phenomenon in Mongolian politics. 16 out of the total 21 parties that ran remained outside the parliament. But nine political parties secured access to a public fund for party consolidation starting in 2025.
The campaign strategy of the Mongolian People’s Party focused on social welfare programs, including public salary and pension increases, increased mining revenue dividends for citizens and discounted loans for herders under the ‘New Cooperative – Wealthy Herder’ program. These initiatives garnered significant support following economic hardship exacerbated by Mongolia’s dzud — severe winter conditions that kill large swathes of livestock — in 2023–24. Their implementation only a few months before the election may have crossed the line between party and state and provided an unjust electoral advantage to the ruling party.
The Democratic Party campaigned on promises to rectify missed economic opportunities, address inequality in business environments and restore press freedom. They criticised perceived double standards favouring the ruling party.
The self-promotional atmosphere of the lead-up to the election involved minimal negative campaigning, but the election was marred by a tragic incident on 15 June. One of the 329 soum (district) governors — a member of the Democratic Party — was murdered at the hands of a ruling-party electioneer during the campaign. Nothing like this had happened in Mongolia since 2008.
A total of 32 women secured seats in parliament, making the percentage of women in parliament 25.4 per cent. Electoral constituencies were significantly expanded, ranging from two to ten seats and covering up to four entire provinces.24 of these women were elected through party lists — which use the ‘zipper’ system mandating equal gender representation —implemented through the 2023 electoral reforms.
Following the election, the Mongolian People’s Party was able to form a government independently since they took the majority of available seats in parliament but formed a coalition government with the Democratic Party and HUN Party despite controversy. Some saw this as unconstitutional, but the move was justified by the need for stability amid complex geopolitical conditions in order to attract foreign investment.
Former Mongolian president Nambaryn Enkhbayar said that to form a coalition government despite their majority of 68 seats in parliament is unconstitutional. But former prime minister Sanjaagiin Bayar took a different tone, stating on X that ‘the opportunity to resolve large-scale infrastructure projects will arise only when national consensus is achieved, with internal and external policies aligned, and political parties unified towards attracting foreign investment’.
Those who support Mongolia’s coalition government cite the governments of Germany and New Zealand as examples of functioning democracy.
In Germany, the ‘traffic light coalition’ government holds 56 per cent of seats, while New Zealand’s coalition government controls 55 per cent of the House of Representatives, leaving over 40 per cent of politicians in opposition. But Mongolia’s current coalition government commands 118 out of 126 seats — 94 per cent of the Khural. Two opposition parties could not even form a party caucus which requires eight or more members. The ruling Mongolian People’s Party is reluctant to relinquish the absolute majority they have held since the 2016 elections where they secured more than 80 per cent of the available seats.